This paper examines whether voters extend gendered assumptions about issue competence to lesbian and gay candidates. Research on gender and politics shows that women are often viewed as stronger on issues such as education and healthcare, while men are associated with defense and foreign affairs. I ask whether similar patterns apply to sexual minority candidates. Drawing on theories of implicit inversion and role congruity, I theorize that voters may perceive gay men as more competent on traditionally feminine issues and lesbians as more competent on traditionally masculine ones. I also test whether these perceptions shift when candidates are described with explicitly masculine or feminine traits, and whether they vary across partisan and gender subgroups.
Using two conjoint experiments with U.S. adults, I find that voters do not apply these stereotypes in the way the theory predicts. Rather than producing issue-specific advantages, sexual orientation generates a broad penalty: lesbian and gay candidates are rated as less competent across seven policy domains and are less likely to be chosen as vote, donation, or winning candidates. These effects are not moderated by gendered trait cues. The penalty is also highly partisan, with Republican and conservative respondents driving most of the negative evaluations, while Democrats show little evidence of personal bias even as they anticipate electoral disadvantages for sexual minority candidates. This manuscript is currently under review.
Disparities in LGBTQ+ rights, especially in same-sex marriage (SSM) legalization, highlight critical global challenges. This project examines what drives or hinders SSM legalization by focusing on outlier nations—countries that deviate from expected patterns based on democracy, economic development, or cultural norms. For example, Cuba, an authoritarian state, has legalized SSM, while Japan, a wealthy democracy, has not.
Using a mixed-method approach, the project analyzes six case studies from Asia and Latin America. Pairing outlier cases with comparator nations allows for a deeper understanding of institutional, cultural, and advocacy dynamics. These qualitative insights are complemented by quantitative analysis to identify broader patterns and test hypotheses across nations.
By integrating case studies with cross-national data, this project aims to uncover the socio-political mechanisms behind marriage equality and contribute to a richer understanding of LGBTQ+ rights advancement.
In 2019, Taiwan became the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage, a milestone shaped by legal battles, political strategy, and grassroots activism. But how did Taiwan achieve this when other democracies in Asia have not?
This project examines the role of legal mobilization, political negotiation, and LGBTQ+ representation in shaping Taiwan’s marriage equality movement. While Interpretation No. 748 set a legal precedent, it was NGOs like TAPCPR, legislative action by the DPP, and LGBTQ+ politicians’ advocacy that ultimately pushed the law forward.
By conducting interviews with judges, legislators, activists, and LGBTQ+ leaders, this research explores how judicial decisions, legislative maneuvering, and public opinion intersect in advancing LGBTQ+ rights. Taiwan’s experience offers valuable insights into the global fight for marriage equality and democracy.